Covering Clinton: The President and the Press in the 1990s (Privatizing Government,)
Fulton Lewis Jr. And both Morley and Huie had had illustrious careers before launching their magazines. Morley won a Pulitzer Prize when he edited the Washington Post in the s; Huie had a solid reputation as a freelance journalist. Desperate to keep his magazine afloat, Huie sold the American Mercury in to far-right businessman Russell Maguire, who was closely tied to prominent anti-Semites and was one himself. Even more alarming to conservatives than the bias of the mainstream press was the number of liberals, radicals, and communists alleged to be in higher education.
In a American Mercury article, a twenty-seven-year-old William F. But he began his career by indulging in some of those rhetorical flourishes himself, along with a plan of action on how to fight back against the stranglehold of leftists on the academy. Although popularly remembered today as a drunken punch line discredited by crusading journalists like Edward R. Murrow in the s, McCarthy is actually an important figure in the development of American conservatism. Almost every major conservative journalist and politician in the s defended him.
How the Right Wing Convinces Itself That Liberals Are Evil
And indeed, Buckley never abandoned his defense of McCarthy and repeatedly attempted to rehabilitate the senator in the eyes of the broader public. Because liberals resisted efforts to purge communists and their sympathizers from schools and universities, and insisted on pesky legal technicalities like the Fifth Amendment. And indeed, at its peak in the early s the John Birch Society claimed around , members, more than the Communist Party USA at its height in the s, easily making it the largest and best-organized group on the right.
Board of Education for poisoning race relations in America. Of all of the supposedly communistic liberal front groups, none drew conservative scorn more fiercely than the civil rights movement. King was far more radical than his sanitized popular memory today—he spoke out against American imperialism in Vietnam, called for a guaranteed basic income, and was murdered while visiting Memphis to support a strike by public-sector sanitation workers—but he was no doctrinaire Marxist-Leninist.
By painting civil rights activists as communists, or at the minimum dupes of an international communist conspiracy, segregationist southerners were making a bid for the support of conservative anticommunists elsewhere in the country. They got it.
Barry Goldwater, whose anti-liberal and anticommunist political bona fides were so secure he could get away with criticizing the John Birch Society without losing the support of its members, voted against the Civil Rights Act in George Wallace, the hyper-segregationist governor of Alabama, recognized the potency of this conspiratorial rhetoric during his third-party run for president in The evangelicals and their allies in other denominations were united in their opposition to abortion, gay rights, and feminism—the tangible realities of the nefarious left-liberal agenda.
Increasingly, the communist fingerprints to be found on these cultural changes were not to be found in an overarching conspiracy directed from Moscow—after all, the sexual politics of radical American feminists were hardly those of Leonid Brezhnev—but from a more nebulous grouping of student radicals, intellectuals, and activists. It happened while he was at the hospital, receiving treatment. His leg had started to hurt again — the leg the security services had tortured for hours by beating the sole of his foot with a wooden baton; it had permanently weakened his bones and he had started to take repeated absences from the programme because of it.
The bureaucrats working for the president told him to report the next day and gave him no reason. The presidency was the central node of power in the country, the seat of almost every command that was sent out to the people. Like a fortress, hidden by trees, only the most powerful people entered its compound. We feared the worst. But Moses returned. He was shaken.
An aide to the president had asked him to fill out a lengthy form with his family history. They were going to recruit Moses as a spy. He was to be deployed against his family, some of whom had fled the country and were intellectuals in the Rwandan communities in Europe and America. His task would be to befriend these aunts, uncles, cousins and nephews and report on them to the government services. It was possible that the authorities had caught on to his activities at our programme. Sending dissidents for work abroad was a way to neutralise them. The same had happened to General Kayumba, who had been made ambassador to India.
But here they were inflicting a double punishment on Moses by asking him to turn on those who trusted him. I had never seen the man in such a state.
The leg still pained [him] intensely — the nerves were almost burning, he said — and he would make his way from one chair to another, clutching his calf, and the armrests. They use you and then dispose of you. They see you as disloyal to the president. I sent Moses home in a taxi — Claude, the driver who sometimes offered us a free lift, was not far and came at once — so he could rest. He was moaning in the car. He would have to find some way out of his predicament. I met Roger [a Rwandan journalist who had approached me for help], on the office premises. But we were in the garden, away from the main building.
The white flowers on the guava tree were beginning to turn into fruit — tiny green bud-like structures, many dozens of them on a single stalk, covering it like pimples. The tree reminded me of Gibson [one of our students].
Presidency of Ronald Reagan - Wikipedia
Roger said that the ministry officials were trying to talk him out of his reporting. But he had challenged them to take him to court. How can I do that?
I have to insist on the law, so that any favour they grant me becomes a right for all our citizens. But they want to separate and isolate us, so we depend on them for favours, for our lives and for our freedom. The grenade attacks had continued. There was still no proof of who was responsible for the blasts. I wanted to check on Gibson. He had returned to Rwanda and was living with his family, who did not want him at home, for fear that the government might come after them all.
Gibson had stopped writing entirely. It was too dangerous; he felt it was better that he keep a low profile and stay at home as much as he could. We agreed that it was dangerous for us to meet. I felt artificially separated from him, that he was close by but painfully distant. He said he was going to turn to the family fields and work as a farmer.
- Noam Chomsky;
- A Charles Deemer Reader;
- Team Play (The Saddle Club, Book 15).
After this, he started a strange kind of communication with me. My phone would ring once but he would cut the line so it sounded like a beep. On the first occasion I immediately returned his call, but he did not answer. I grew worried. The following evening he beeped me again. And these squeals of the telephone every couple of evenings, before I went to bed, became somehow reassuring.
I would recognise his number and feel pleased. They became little signals of affection, a way for Gibson to communicate that he was surviving. I began to wait expectantly for these beeps from the young journalist who had renounced his work. Roger called in a panic. The government had finally made good on its threats.
His room had been broken into — he said the security services had come at night. All his information had been stolen. Fortunately, he had been away. I went to his hotel at once. He was standing at the scene, breathing heavily, and alert.
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- Transforming Images: Screens, Affect, Futures (International Library of Sociology);
- Chief Lobbyist in Congress?
A reduction in the federal government's responsibility certainly affects the size of the bureaucracy. However, the consequences of deregulation may outweigh the benefits, as seen in the savings and loan scandals of the s following deregulation of the savings industry.
A president can use the OMB to shape agencies and their programs by reducing or enlarging their proposed appropriations. Congress's "power of the purse" gives it important oversight authority over the federal bureaucracy. Through the appropriations process, Congress can eliminate a program completely by denying it funds, use the threat of funding cutbacks to control it, or pass new laws that limit the scope of an agency's responsibilities. Many states have adopted sunset laws requiring periodic cost-effectiveness and efficiency reviews of programs and the agencies that implement them.
Those that fail to meet the standards are abolished or reorganized. It takes considerable political will to pass such laws, and that hasn't happened at the federal level. Both Presidents George Bush and Bill Clinton attempted to come to grips with the federal bureaucracy through close review of its operation. Often such proposals run into opposition from the bureaucrats themselves and from the members of Congress who would have to accomplish the proposals' aims.